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One distinguishing characteristic of INED is its ability to conduct research studies that cover not just France but a large part of the world.

The international scope of the Institute may be seen in its many partnerships with institutions abroad and its active role in the world scientific community. INED is a key partner in major European demography research programs. The Institute is involved in a large number of projects funded by the European Union and in the main projects of the European demographer community.

INED supports international mobility for researchers, viewing it as training and cooperation that helps refresh and renew research questions and methods. Because INED is a public organization, its staff and permanent researchers are civil servants hired on the basis of competitive examinations that range from vocational certificate to doctoral level.

It also hires on a task- or limited-term contract-basis in extremely diverse areas. INED recruits researchers, engineers and technicians by way of official competitive examinations. On this page you can find the latest examination announcements, descriptions of currently available positions and information on submitting an application.

Use this section to submit a speculative application for a job or internship at INED. Research at INED is organized around multidisciplinary and topic-focused teams made up of its own permanent researchers and associated researchers. Institute research units host doctoral students and post-docs for training in and through research.

Over 70 multi-annual projects are under way. For some, INED designs and carries out its own surveys—one of its specificities. Collected data are then made available to the scientific community. INED is placing increasing emphasis on training in research through the practice of research.

Every year the Institute hosts PhD students from France and abroad selected on an application basis. Students work under researcher supervision and depending on their thesis topic, they join one or two research teams.

They are benefiting from INED work resources and its stimulating environment. INED also offers one- or two-year post-doctoral contracts to young French or foreign researchers. Recipients are selected on the basis of their competence, the quality and originality of their research project, and its relevance to INED research areas.

INED designs and carries out its own surveys. The data thus collected are accessible to the entire scientific community. The Institute has its own survey office, which defines sampling methods, assists in designing questionnaires and drawing up data collection protocols, and adjusts statistical samples. It is also in charge of making anonymized data available to others. INED makes a vast body of resources on population available to website users, including the INED library, open to all and accessible on line; and presentations of statistical analysis and survey methods.

Research relies on a wide range of statistical analysis methods to process survey data and to describe and model demographic events and phenomena on the basis of that data. Alongside classic methods such as data analysis and logistic regression, several other methods have come to the fore in the last 30 years. Seminars on research methodology and practices in France and abroad, articles on method use, and extensive reference lists are just some of the statistics-related resources available.

Each survey is specific but all surveys include a number of requisite steps and phases. Important factors to be taken into account from the outset include survey protocol, sampling frame, budget, regulations, questionnaire testing, data file compilation, and quality assessment. It may assist with data production throughout the process or provide help on particular survey phases only.

Every INED survey is designed to investigate a particular research question or set of questions. Methodological choices are therefore a key phase of the research. The time required to prepare the survey, design questions, conduct and assess pilot surveys and, later, to evaluate the quality of the data collected must not be underestimated. Recent social and medical advances implicated in contemporary bioethics issues have generated many new research topics.

Several innovative research projects, surveys, and scientific articles are now contributing new knowledge on subjects such as assisted reproduction technology ART , surrogacy, and end-of-life.

As the French parliament examines a new bioethics bill, INED will be presenting a set of resources and material here that shed scientific light on several major bioethics topics. The GED comprises the collections of over 50 libraries, documentation, and archive centers, all in the service of human and social science research.

A tour of the globe to explore its population. Use this section to: - compare demographic indicators for different countries; - help prepare for a class or an oral presentation; - find simple answers to your questions; - reflect on complex issues; - learn the basics of demography; - extend your knowledge through play All about population in Figures: tables on the French and world population and access to several online databases.

The latest data on the population of metropolitan France structure and trends are given in a series of tables. Boys tend to have a higher birthweight than girls — which can increase the risk of waiting to term to deliver — meaning that more boys are induced before the end of the pregnancy term.

The fact that preterm births are more common for boys contributes to this. Although boys are, on average, heavier than girls at birth, they are less physiologically mature at birth. This means they are at higher risk of having delayed physiological function such as lung function and adverse neurological outcomes. The reason for this difference has been an important question for decades — the answer is still not clear. But there are some leading hypotheses: surfactant production for lung function has been observed earlier in female fetuses, leading to improved airway flow in the lungs; estrogen has been shown to affect lung development positively in females; males, on average, have a higher birthweight meaning they may trade-off increased size for functional development; and the uterus may be less hospitable to male fetuses — the introduction of a Y chromosome in females can create and immunoreactive response to the central nervous system.

This, combined with a higher risk of premature birth may explain why boys have higher rates of asphyxia, respiratory infections and birth defects. Boys are also at higher risk of infectious diseases such as syphilis, malaria , respiratory infections, tetanus and diarrheal diseases.

This is more generally true for a broad range of infections, spanning person-to-person, vector-borne, blood-borne, and food and water borne diseases. We see this clearly when we compare mortality rates for boys and girls in the earlier chart.

But why are boys more susceptible to infection? Overall, boys have weaker immune systems. There are two key hypotheses for why. The Y-chromosome in boys increases their vulnerability. Biologically, males and females are differentiated by chromosomes: females have two X chromosomes XX and males one X and one Y chromosome XY. Having two X chromosomes means that the newborn has a stronger immune system because X chromosomes contain a larger number of immune-related genes.

This makes males more vulnerable to many infectious diseases. They are also more susceptible to specific genetic diseases where the defective genes are carried on either the X or Y chromosomes; this is because boys have only one X chromosome so a single recessive gene on that X chromosome results in the disease.

But the stronger immune response of females comes with a cost. Sex hormones may be another key reason for weaker immune systems in males.

Males have much higher amounts of testosterone which seem to inhibit two major parts of the immune system — B and T-lymphocytes. Estrogen, on the other hand, acts as an effective regulator of this.

Overall, male hormones weaken the immune system relative to females. This is not restricted to childhood: the female advantage carries into adulthood. More specifically, differences in maturity, sex chromosomes, and hormones. In circumstances where both sexes are treated equally, we would therefore expect infant and child mortality rates to be slightly higher for boys. The sex ratio — the number of males relative to females — at birth and in childhood are male-biased in almost every country.

In this chart we see the sex ratio — measured as the number of males per females — at different ages through adolescence and adulthood. In the global average for adolescents and young adults we see the result of both the male-bias in birth ratios and the large impact of populous countries such as China and India with very skewed sex ratios: At age 15 and 20, males outnumber females by to But as we move through adulthood we see that this ratio is lower and lower.

For year-olds the ratio is close to 1-to-1; for year-olds there are only 89 males per females; and in the very oldest age bracket year-olds there are only 25 men per women. You will see that for some countries this decline in the sex ratio with age is even more extreme: in Russia, for example, by age 50 there are only 88 males per females; by 70 years old there are almost twice as many women as men. In every country in the world women tend to live longer than men.

On average, women live longer than men — this is true for every country in the world. This fact plays an important role in how the sex ratio changes with age through adulthood.

Today, and at several points historically, the sex ratio at birth in some countries is too skewed to be explained by biological differences alone. In a recent study Chao et. Most of these countries are in Asia. Is there a biological or environmental difference, or is it the result of discrimination? The reason for this skew in sex ratio has been previously challenged. One of the leading hypotheses was put forward by economist Emily Oster. The authors concluded that hepatitis B rates could not explain the skewed sex ratio in China.

Other studies — such as that by Lin and Luoh in Taiwan — have also found minimal to no effect of hepatitis B on the sex ratio. Sex-selective abortions and discrimination against girls After the hepatitis B hypothesis was debunked, no clear evidence of a biological factor in such skewed sex ratios has emerged.

But the natural variability of the sex ratio is too small to explain the high ratios in some countries. The evidence for sex-selective abortion and discrimination against girls is now strong across several countries. Not only does the increase in sex ratios coincide with the availability of prenatal sex determination technologies, there is also clear evidence from studies investigating the use and promotion of such methods.

In India, for example, prenatal diagnosis PD became available in the s, shortly after legalization of medical abortion in Results from some of the earliest studies on abortions following the availability of prenatal sex determination are striking. Results from another six hospitals in the city found 7, of the 8, aborted fetuses in were girls. The evidence that highly skewed sex ratios at birth have been largely the result of gender discrimination and selective abortions has been well-established across several countries.

We discuss the reasons for this discrimination here. There are some additional hypotheses as to why the sex ratio at birth is skewed in some countries. Sex discrimination can occur prenatally in the form of sex-selective abortions, as we discuss here or postnatally when it can lead to the death of a child in the very worst cases.

The death of a child due to sex discrimination can be brought about in a deliberate killing of an infant infanticide or can be caused by neglect or poor and unequal treatment.

Over time, prenatal discrimination has increased as both abortions and sex determination technologies have become more readily available. Nonetheless, postnatal discrimination still occurs and has a long history. Infanticide or infant homicide — the deliberate killing of newborns and infants — has a long history. Rather than being an exception, then, it has been the rule. And humans are not alone. From birds to rodents; fish to mammals; we find evidence of infanticide across the animal kingdom.

There are some common misconceptions today surrounding the practice of infanticide. A number of researchers have studied the demographic, health and cultural profiles of prehistoric societies. In rare cases they can use indirect evidence of the fossil record; but many rely on modern hunter-gatherer societies today. Estimates for infanticide in prehistoric societies are very high.

They did this using census and interviews gathered over a seven year period. Infant mortality rates in the past were very high — most studies suggest around a quarter of newborns did not survive the first year of life. They also found large sex differences: infanticide rates were four times higher for girls than boys. Other studies of modern hunter-gatherer societies analysed the sex ratio of infants to estimate the prevalence of infanticide.

Very skewed sex ratio of infants is suggestive of select infanticide. In studying 86 hunter-gatherer bands across North America, South America, Africa, Asia and Australia, researchers found high levels of female infanticide across 77 of them. The practice of infanticide was not just common in prehistoric societies, but was also very common in many — but not all — ancient cultures. Sometimes here is no clear gender discrimination, and it occurs for both sexes. There is of course significant evidence of female-selective infanticide throughout history: we see that in the sex ratio of many hunter-gatherer societies above through to skewed ratios in Medieval England.

Even today, cases on infanticide still exist, despite being outlawed in most countries. This remains reported across countries with a strong son preference: India and China are the most documented examples. Infanticide is the most direct case of postnatal sex selection. More often overlooked is the excess mortality which results from neglect and unequal treatment of girls. Poor treatment of girls results in increased mortality in childhood In almost every country young boys are more likely to die in childhood than girls — as we explore here , there are several biological reasons for is.

But this is not true in a few counties — India is one notable example today. There, girls die more often than boys. When we compare infant under one year old and child under-5s mortality rates between boys and girls in India we see that the difference is bigger for the older age group.

While infant mortality rates are approximately the same, the child mortality rate for girls is higher. In the chart here we see mortality rates for boys on the y-axis and girls on the x-axis for various causes in India. This data is shown for children aged years old in Here we see that for many, death rates are significantly higher for girls. Some of these — hepatitis, measles or tuberculosis, for example — we expect to be higher for girls.

But not for infections, respiratory and diarrheal diseases. Note also the much higher mortality rates for nutritional deficiencies and protein-energy malnutrition for girls. Poorer health outcomes for girls across some countries — often in Asia and not restricted to India — has been well-documented.

Social preference for a boy has resulted in unequal treatment of young girls in a number of ways. Studies have shown in some countries:. This combination of poorer nutrition and healthcare investment can result in higher mortality rates for girls, but also to excess mortality for women in later stages of life. It is the sum of women who are missing at birth as a result of sex-selective prenatal practices such as abortion and excess female mortality later in life either through infanticide, child neglect or maltreatment.

Many researchers have tried to calculate the number of missing women. Using sex ratios at birth, and at different ages we can compare the observed and expected values: the difference is then defined as girls and women who are missing.

There are very obvious challenges in calculating this figure. For the observed sex ratio, there is the concern of how accurate the reported number of births, males and females are.

But through time and across the world, this can often vary between to male births per female births. The combination of these measurement issues means any estimate of the number of missing women will come with fairly high uncertainty.

In the table here we provide a summary of a range of estimates — note here that the year of the estimate is different for each. Here we see that although there is significant uncertainty in these estimates, all are within the range of over 50 million by , and likely upwards of million today. This is more than the population of Mexico. The authors also provided projections of the number of missing women through demographic changes to which you find here. Above are estimates of the total number of missing women in the world.

After the s sex-selective abortions shown as missing births became more common. Until , nearly all missing women were the result of excess female mortality; by as many were from missing births each year. But why does this preference exist? The social order of families resides with the males: lineage is passed from father to son. Men within the social order are the fixed points, and women the moving points: when a daughter marries, she leaves the current family to join a new one.

This can produce economic and social benefits to having a son rather than a daughter, including:. Across several countries in Asia, and North Africa we see highly skewed sex ratios in favour of males. There are a number of adverse consequences which could result from highly imbalanced numbers of men and women in society.

These present a risk to men, women, family structures and society as a whole. The obvious consequence of gender imbalance is a large number of unmarriageable men. Whilst we might assume that this dynamic would favour women, they could also suffer negative consequences:.

Imbalanced gender ratios could have negative consequences for both men and women. For society more broadly, there are several hypotheses that it will also result in more crime, violence and disorder in communities.

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Statistics on " Men in the U. The most important statistics. Further related statistics. Bolivia: total population , by gender Peru: total population , by gender Ecuador: total population , by gender Puerto Rico: population , by age St. Vincent and the Grenadines: total population , by age Guyana: total population , by age group Panama: total population , by age Belize: total population , by age St. Lucia: total population , by age Grenada: total population , by age Bahamas: total population , by age Peru: total population , by age Guatemala: total population , by age group Barbados: total population , by age Colombia: total population , by gender Share of disabled population in Jammu and Kashmir India , by type and gender Revenues of the Ile-de-France region , by type Number of children in the U.

Further Content: You might find this interesting as well. Statistics Bolivia: total population , by gender Peru: total population , by gender Ecuador: total population , by gender Puerto Rico: population , by age St. Learn more about how Statista can support your business. October 13, Total population in the United States by gender from to in millions [Graph].

In Statista. Accessed November 12, Total population in the United States by gender from to in millions. Statista Inc.. Accessed: November 12,